India-US Defence Cooperation: Assessing US Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin’s Visit to India
Dr Saroj Bishoyi, Research Fellow, VIF

US Secretary of Defence Lloyd J. Austin III was on a crucial visit to India from 4-5 June 2023 to discuss and explore ways to further strengthen the India-US defence and strategic partnership. During the visit, the two sides discussed a wide range of bilateral defence cooperation issues, especially focussed on ways to strengthen defence innovation, industrial cooperation and co-development & co-production of high-end defence equipment.[1] They also deliberated on the new initiatives such as a new roadmap for building bilateral defence industrial cooperation, and the establishment of the India-US Defence Acceleration Ecosystem (INDUS-X) to further strengthen the burgeoning defence and strategic partnership. Besides, they agreed to address the export control issues, global value chains, and challenges to a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific region. Thus, the visit has renewed their focus on the major issues and set the tone for a transformative relationship in the coming days.

The Defence Secretary’s visit comes ahead of the scheduled state visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Washington later this month, during which the two countries are expected to announce initiatives to expand and deepen the scope of bilateral defence and strategic partnership. The visit also comes at a time of increasing concerns over global supply chains and China’s growing military assertiveness, which poses serious threats and challenges to a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific region. India and the US have recently expanded their bilateral engagement and cooperation to address some of these shared concerns. In January 2023, they launched the India-US Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) to strengthen cooperation in emerging domains such as defence technologies, space, semiconductor and artificial intelligence. The iCET also includes General Electric’s proposal for joint production of jet engines. In March 2023, they launched a new India-US Strategic Trade Dialogue (IUSSTD), which concluded the first dialogue on 6 June, focuses on aligning the two countries’ export control systems for enhancing high technology trade and facilitating transfer of technology (ToT) between the two countries.[2]

In fact, defence cooperation has emerged as a key component of their strategic partnership with an increase in high-level personnel exchanges; joint military exercises such as Malabar exercise for the navies, Yudh Abhyas (war games) for the armies, Cope India exercise for air forces, Vajra Prahar exercise for the special forces, Tiger Triumph exercises for the tri-services; cooperation in peacekeeping; and, disaster management activities. Defence trade has also increased significantly from almost negligible prior to 2008 to about $22 billion in 2022, which include India’s procurement of C-130J Hercules aircraft, C-17 Globemaster, P-8 Poseidon aircraft, Harpoon Block-2 anti-ship missile, AGM-114K Hellfire anti-tank missile, AH-64E Apache and CH-47F Chinook helicopters, and M777 Howitzer guns.[3] India is planning to procure a range of defence equipment, including MQ-9B armed drones from the US defence major General Atomics Aeronautical Systems Inc. (GA-ASI).

Defence cooperation further expanded into the domain of maritime security, including Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA), where the two sides now share the objective of keeping the sea-lanes of communication open, freedom of navigation and trade in the Indo-Pacific region. The signing of an agreement on white shipping in 2016 and the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) in 2016 provided a framework for a closer maritime cooperation and additional opportunities for practical military engagement and exchange. Meanwhile, the US recognized India as a Major Defence Partner (MDP), with India being treated on par with the US’ closest allies, which raised expectations of access to advanced defence technology and equipment. The two countries have concluded the remaining foundational agreements i.e. Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) in 2018, and the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA) for Geo-Spatial Cooperation in 2020. While COMCASA allows India to use encrypted communications equipment and systems of the US and the two countries’ military administration to communicate through secure networks. BECA enables exchange of geospatial information on maps and satellites for defence purposes. The US also elevated India’s status to Strategic Trade Authorization (STA)-1 category from earlier STA-2 category, which would allow India to receive license-free access to a wide range of defence and strategic technologies with specific conditions. In addition, the two sides signed a Memorandum of Intent between US Defence Innovation Unit and Indian Defence Innovation Organisation-Innovation for Defence Excellence in 2018, and Industrial Security Annex (ISA) in 2019, which protects classified information and technology between the two countries involving private sectors.

This expanded defence cooperation with the US comes with India’s priority to become self-reliant in defence sector through indigenous development and production of defence products, which would augment its capability to play as a net security provider. In this regard, the Indian government launched its Make-in-India initiative in an effort to reduce the defence imports from foreign countries and has been emphasising on joint development and production of advanced defence equipment. It aims to create a robust defence ecosystem through indigenous design, development and manufacture (IDDM) of high-end defence equipment for all services. While building defence ecosystem is India’s national priority, this provides new business opportunities for the US defence manufacturers as well. These efforts are aimed at transforming the ‘buyer-seller’ defence relationship to a joint research, design, development, and production of advanced defence equipment. Defence Secretary Austin’s visit to India took place in this setting, and the above outline help understand and assess the significance of the visit.

Major Outcomes of the Visit

Defence Secretary Austin’s visit to India provided an opportunity to review the bilateral defence cooperation activities, and discuss possible deliverables for the upcoming Prime Minister Modi-President Biden Summit. The visit created positive momentum for maintaining and further strengthening bilateral defence and strategic partnership. It reflected the growing convergence of interests between the world’s two largest democracies. The following are the major outcomes of this visit:

i) Joint Development and Production of New Technologies

The two sides have identified opportunities for co-development of new technologies and co-production of existing and new systems. They agreed to facilitate increased collaboration between defence start-up ecosystems of the two countries and discussed the General Electric’s proposal to share technology with India for fighter jet engines co-production. In the January 2023 fact sheet, the Biden administration noted that it has received an application from General Electric (GE) to jointly produce jet engines that could power jet aircraft operated and produced indigenously by India. It had expressed commitment to an expeditious review of this application.[4] During Prime Minister Modi’s visit to the US, it is expected that India’s Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) and GE will sign an agreement, which the Biden administration would take forward for US Congressional approval of the GE’s proposal to ToT for the manufacture of jet engines in India. This will be a significant milestone in the bilateral relationship, and will enable to forge a much deeper defence cooperation by moving away from the so-called ‘buyer-seller’ relationship. It will also transform India’s defence manufacturing capabilities as it has been looking for manufacturing jet engines in the country under the framework of ToT to power its fighter aircraft. At present, only four countries - the US, the UK, Russia and France – are able to make their own jet engines.

It should be noted that the Section 1260 of the National Defence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2023 (NDAA 2023) has urged the Biden administration to engage with the Indian government for “expanding cooperation on emerging technologies, readiness, and logistics.” [5] The NDAA 2023 asked the US Department of Defence to engage with their counterparts in the Ministry of Defence of India on the areas such as: Fourth and fifth generation aircraft; Unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs); Joint R&D; Intelligence collection capabilities; Depot-level maintenance; Fifth generation wireless communication and Open Radio Access Network (RAN) technologies; Defensive cyber capabilities; and, Critical and emerging technologies. Thus, the identification of new areas of technological collaboration through co-development and co-production would deepen and strengthen the two countries’ defence industrial base and help to move away from the traditional ‘buyer-seller’ dynamic toward a more collaborative approach.

ii) A New Roadmap for Defence Industrial Cooperation

For realising these objectives to build a broad based defence cooperation, the two sides concluded a new roadmap for bilateral Defence Industrial Cooperation (DIC), which will fast-track technology cooperation and co-production in high priority areas such as air combat and land mobility systems; intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR); munitions; and the undersea domain. The DIC, which will guide the policy direction for the next few years, aims to build closer ties between the two countries’ defence industries. They also reviewed export control hurdles impeding closer industry-to-industry cooperation. The Pentagon said that this initiative aims to change the paradigm for cooperation between India and the US defence sectors, including implementation of a set of specific defence technology proposals. It is expected to provide access to cutting-edge technologies and support India’s defence modernization plans under the make-in-India initiative, which aims to make India self-reliant in the defence sector.

Moreover, they discussed the “growing importance of defence innovation and cooperation in emerging domains” such as artificial intelligence, cyberspace and space technologies. The two sides further praised the recent launch of a new Advanced Domains Defence Dialogue (AD3), which focuses on expanding the scope of bilateral defense cooperation. Describing the India-US relationship as one of the most “consequential” ones, Secretary Austin said that some of these projects will be advanced during Prime Minister Modi’s visit to the US. He said that the US shares such advanced technologies with only its key allies and trusted partners like India. He added, “We are not only sharing technology, but we are also cooperating alongside each other more than ever before.”[6] This will boost India’s make-in-India initiative, reduce its arms imports from foreign countries, and increase its defence export. While this will strengthen American defence companies’ presence in India. The successful implementation of these proposals will take bilateral defence cooperation to the next level.

iii) Building Resilient Supply Chains

The global Covid-19 pandemic and the ongoing Ukraine war have highlighted the importance of ensuring security of global supply chains in terms of critical technologies and components. The ongoing geopolitical conflict in the Taiwan Strait and the race to develop and deploy Critical and Emerging Technologies (CETs) for advancing economic and military benefits further heightened its significance. Defence Secretary Austin, in his address at the Shangri-La Security Summit in Singapore, warned that the conflict in Taiwan Strait would be a devastating one. Criticising China for its actions in the region, he said, the US will “continue to categorically oppose unilateral changes to the status quo from either side”. He said that “the whole world has a stake in maintaining peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait”.[7] Because the global supply chains, and the security of commercial shipping lanes depends on the peace and stability of it and also the freedom of navigation worldwide.

Therefore, The Global Value Chains (GVCs) have been reshaped as a result of the global Covid-19 pandemic, the Ukraine war, the US-China technological competition and geopolitical tensions, where India through favourable policy measures and reforms has emerged as an appealing alternative to the traditional GVCs. India’s growing role as a trusted supply chain partner and contributor in the global technology value chains has notably increased in the last few years. In this regard, India and the US are working together to build a resilient supply chains to overcome the uncertainties. During the visit, Defence Secretary Austin and Defence Minister Singh explored ways to build such a “resilient supply chains”. The Ministers pledged to review existing “regulatory hurdles impeding closer industry-to-industry cooperation”. They decided to initiate negotiations for two crucial agreements related to the Security of Supply Arrangement (SSA) and a Reciprocal Defence Procurement (RDP) in an effort to ensure long-term supply chain stability of arms and equipment.

iv) Establishment of INDUS-X

The India-US Defence Acceleration Ecosystem (INDUS-X), an initiative of the US-India Business Council (USIBC), aims to advance cutting-edge technology and strategic partnership between the two countries by fostering joint research, development, and production opportunities in the defence sector. The Ministers welcomed the initiative, which is expected to be launched on 21 June during Prime Minister Modi’s visit. The USIBC president, Atul Keshap recently said that the USIBC has an Aerospace and defence committee, which will host the INDUS-X in collaboration with the Pentagon and India’s Defence Ministry to intensify defence industrial cooperation.[8] It is expected to “foster a richer culture of co-development and co-production”, accelerating the ToT, knowledge, and mutual trust between the two countries. The INDUS-X is designed to create a working Defence Innovation Bridge (DIB) to connect the two countries national security innovation ecosystems to research, develop and produce cutting-edge defence technologies. The Pentagon stated that the initiative will complement existing government-to-government collaboration by promoting innovative partnerships between the two countries’ defence companies, investors, start-up accelerators, and academic research institutions. It will explore possibilities for joint production of jet engines, infantry vehicles and long-range artillery.

v) US Efforts to Reduce India’s Defence Dependency on Russia

Though the US has been trying to enter into the Indian big defence market for some time now, its efforts at reducing India’s defence dependency on Russia accelerated following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. During the Congressional hearings, the US Congresspersons have urged the Biden administration to take necessary steps to significantly reduce India’s defence imports from Russia. The NDAA 2023 has also urged the Pentagon to initiate discussions of exploring “opportunities and challenges related to reducing India’s reliance on Russian-built weapons and defence systems”. In this effort, the Biden administration has been eagerly upgrading its defence cooperation with India, including the launch of the iCET in January 2023 and India-US Strategic Trade Dialogue in March 2023.

While Russia still remains the largest arms supplier to India. Its share has declined from 64 percent to 45 percent during the five years 2013-17 and 2018-22, that is from $ 11.004 billion to $ 6.964 billion in terms of total value.[9] The 2023 SIPRI report noted that Russia’s position as the largest arms supplier to India is “under pressure due to strong competition” from other suppliers such as France, US and Israel; India’s indigenous arms production efforts, in addition to “constraints on Russia’s arms exports related to its invasion of Ukraine” since February 2022 as it prioritises supplies to its own army. The US with an 11 percent share remained the third largest arms supplier to India, after France’s 29 percent, during the period 2018-22. However, India continues to remain in a strategically-vulnerable position of being the largest arms importer in the world, despite its efforts to manufacture and procure domestically. Therefore, it looks to overcome this situation through IDDM of defence equipment under the Make-in-India initiative. A strong defence partnership with the US will be key to achieve the goals of make-in-India initiatives. On the other hand, the US believes that easing of export controls for arms exports and co-production of advanced defence technologies will reduce India’s defence dependency on Russia.

vi) Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific

During Defence Secretary Austin’s visit to India, the issues relating to Indo-Pacific appeared prominently and the dialogue between the two sides reinforced the growing strategic partnership between the two countries in the region. Secretary Austin termed the India-US strategic partnership as the “cornerstone” of a free and open Indo-Pacific, and expressed the United States commitment to collaborate closely with India in support of their shared vision for a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific. As the world’s two largest democracies, he said, “India and the United States play a unique role in preserving the rules-based international order that keeps us all secure.”[10] He stressed that the deepening India-US partnership in technological innovation and growing defence cooperation “can be a force for global good.” On his part, Defence Minister Singh in a tweet on 5 June said that “India-US partnership is critical for ensuring a free, open and rules-bound Indo-Pacific region.” India is looking forward to closely work with the US across various domains for capacity building and further consolidating the strategic partnership.

It should be noted that India and the US in 2015 released a joint Strategic Vision for the region for the first time, which defined the two countries as “important drivers of regional and global growth”. It noted that “a closer partnership between the United States and India is indispensable to promoting peace, prosperity and stability in those regions.”[11] Since then the two countries have significantly strengthened bilateral and regional cooperation for enhancing their strategic partnership in the region. Importantly, they have enhanced their strategic partnership in the Indo-Pacific through the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), which have been upgraded to summit level meetings from earlier official and then Ministerial level meetings involving India, US, Japan and Australia.

Now the two countries are increasingly share a common vision of a free, open, inclusive, secure and prosperous Indo-Pacific region. There is growing convergence of foreign policy and strategic interests of the two countries in the region. India’s act east policy complements with that of the United States Indo-Pacific strategy. While the Biden administration in its vision of the Indo-Pacific supports “a strong India as a partner”, and seeks to “steadily advance” United States’ MDP with India, India regards US as an important strategic partner in the region with which it shares important foreign policy interests.

vii) India’s Role in the Maritime Domain Awareness Initiative

Defence Secretary Austin welcomed India's leadership role in the Quad Indo-Pacific Maritime Domain Awareness Initiative (IPMDA), which will provide cutting-edge domain awareness capability to countries across the Indo-Pacific region. The two sides discussed fresh possibilities for enhancing information sharing and increase cooperation in the MDA. In his meeting with National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval, the Secretary exchanged views about regional and global security issues of concern, including maritime security in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). He welcomed NSA Doval’s perspective about shared security interests and objectives, including his ideas for greater maritime collaboration. They underlined the strategic approach to global challenges through whole-of-government approach, including through people-to-people and societal relations. In all of his engagements, Secretary Austin underscored the centrality of the India-US strategic partnership to maintaining peace, stability and security in the Indo-Pacific region.

In this regard, Defence Secretary Austin highlighted the importance of joint military exercises between India and the US. The India-US joint military exercise “breaking new ground with pace and scope”. During the annual Cope India air exercise in April 2023, the United States most advanced and strategic aircraft, the F35 and B1 bombers, participated for the first time. He said that “the US-India Partnership will help to secure an open and prosperous future for the Indo-Pacific and the wider world”.[12] Indeed, prosperity of the region depends on peace, security, stability and freedom of navigation. The two sides continued to reaffirm the importance of safeguarding maritime security and ensuring freedom of navigation across the region.

viii) Supporting India’s Leading Role as a Security Provider

Defence Secretary Austin reiterated the US’ commitment to strengthen operational collaboration across all military services, with an eye to supporting India’s leading role as a security provider in the Indo-Pacific. In this context, the two sides discussed new opportunities to strengthen information sharing and increase cooperation in the maritime domain. The strengthening of defence cooperation in the critical domains, including joint defence research, development and production will enhance India’s capability to play the role of a security provider in the region. In fact, during the India-US 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue in Washington DC in 2022, Defence Secretary Austin underscored its importance by stating that “We are doing all this because the United States supports India as a defence industry leader in the Indo-Pacific, and a net provider of security in the region.”[13]

The defence forces of the two countries are now conducting joint military exercises more frequently than ever for strengthening the operational capabilities of their defence forces. In fact, India conducts more joint military exercises with the US than with any other country, and the growing India-US defence relationship has taken this to highly advanced level, increasing in scope and complexity. These exercises are aimed at training the defence forces by sharing best practices and experiences for meeting the emerging security challenges and developing interoperability. A strong India-US defence cooperation in the field of co-development and co-production will help improve interoperability. While they are looking to further enhance their cooperation through the operationalization of bilateral defence agreements such as the LEMOA, BECA and COMCASA, it is expected that the technology projects under the iCET and the INDUS-X would further facilitate India’s role as a net security provider in the region.

An Assessment

Defence Secretary Austin’s visit to India reinforced India’s status as MDP, advanced bilateral defence cooperation in critical domains and enhanced strategic partnership in the Indo-Pacific region. The visit also created positive momentum and laid the groundwork for Prime Minister Modi's first official state visit to Washington later this month, during which the two sides are expected to unveil initiatives to expand and deepen the scope of India-US defence and strategic partnership. However, the Biden administration’s commitment to advance defence cooperation with India by easing export control measures to facilitate technology access, co-development and co-production of defence technologies, such as jet engines production in India, and the two countries alignment on technology issues, including building resilient supply chains, strengthening joint R&D cooperation, deepening partnership between the government and private defence companies, startups and academia will determine the future trajectory and nature of the India-US defence cooperation.

It is worth pointing out that the two countries in 2012 set up the Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI), a flagship defence cooperation programme. The DTTI is aimed at transforming defence cooperation beyond ‘buyer-seller’ relationship to joint research, development and production of high-end defence equipment by creating required capabilities and partnerships. Under the initiative, initially four small ‘path-finder projects’ were identified for joint development and production: i) Next generation Raven Minis Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs); ii) Mobile electric hybrid power source; iii) Roll on and roll off kits for C-130; and, iv) Uniform Integrated Protection Ensemble Increment-2. Subsequently, two more projects were added: v) A helmet-mounted digital display; and, vi) A biological tactical detection system.[14] The two sides then went on to develop more ambitious proposals under the initiative, including for jet engine and aircraft carrier technology. It was hoped that the initiative would help begin early co-development and co-production of these defence technologies. However, neither of these projects moved forward to the production phase, nor brought any substantial change to the ‘buyer-seller’ defence relationship. Though some progress has been made in joint production of spare parts and components for imported defence items involving private industries. For instance, the US’ Lockheed Martin and India’s Tata Advanced Systems Limited (TASL) established a joint venture to produce C-130J Super Hercules airframe components in 2012. They delivered the 50 empennage in September 2016.

To reinvigorate bilateral defence cooperation, the DTTI was reorganised during the Trump administration with its eight functional working groups cut down to four Joint Working Groups that focuses on land, naval, air, and aircraft carrier technologies to promote mutually agreed projects within their domains. The Modi and Biden governments further injected new life into the DTTI by signing a Project Agreement for co-development of Air-Launched Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (ALUAV) in July 2021. The India-US Defence Policy Group (DPG), apex official-level mechanism between the Defence Ministry and Pentagon, which held its 17th meeting in Washington DC in May 2023 also reviews and guides all aspects of defence cooperation including under the DTTI with a focus on policy. Despite wide-ranging criticism, thus, the initiative remains silent enabler for forging strong defence cooperation. This has also led to the launch of the iCET in January 2023, which further infuses new energy to the ongoing efforts to strengthen and deepen defence cooperation.

Importantly, the India-US relationship has been developed into a “Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership” based on their shared values, strong people-to-people ties, and increasing convergence of interests on bilateral, regional and international issues. The partnership enjoys strong bipartisan support in the US and popular support in both the countries. The two countries have established more than 50 bilateral inter-governmental dialogue mechanisms for exchange of views on issues of mutual interest and managing differences. Notably, the two countries have managed their differences over Russia. While India refrained from openly criticizing the Russian invasion of Ukraine since February 2022 and did not follow the US lead in sanctioning the country. It has repeatedly expressed support for territorial integrity and sovereignty of the countries, peaceful resolution of conflicts, respect for international rule of law, and Prime Minister Modi’s statement during a meeting with President Vladimir Putin that “this is not an era of war” has received wide approval in the US. Though it continuous to procure defence equipment from Russia as India has a long history of defence relationship with Russia, with 60 to 70 percent of its defence inventory are still of Russian origin. It has diversified its defence procurement in recent years with increasing purchases from the US, France and Israel. Washington values this fact and looks to develop a new defence relationship with India by partnering in its make-in-India initiatives.

Meanwhile, the technological and geopolitical rivalry between the US and China has been intensified, where Washington sees China as a long-term threat to the US national security. While it sees India’s growing economic and military power with a stable democratic form of government in American interest. As India’s power grows, it expects India to stand up to the Chinese military aggression. Hence, this has further led the Biden administration to set aside its differences over Russia and supporting India’s role as a ‘net security provider’ in the Indo-Pacific. The continuous deterioration of India’s relationship with China, especially since the 2020 border conflict along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), and the Chinese PLA’s assertive behaviour have further brought India and the US closer on defence and security matters. While China remains India’s primary strategic rivalry for a foreseeable future, the China-Pakistan nexus and the new China-Russia “no-limit partnership” further increased threats and challenges. Here, Washington sees an opportunity to influence New Delhi’s defence and strategic decisions and wants to become “a partner of choice” in the areas of commerce, defence, technology and security. The two countries’ cooperation on defence R&D and co-production will boost their capability to compete effectively with China in the region. A robust defence cooperation would help build an effective deterrence against the Chinese aggression.

In this rapid changing geopolitical landscape of the 21st century, therefore, India and the United States values and interests are strongly aligned now than ever before, and they increasingly share convergence in perceptions over the threats and challenges to free, open, secure and inclusive Indo-Pacific region. There is a realization that a strong India-US defence cooperation will further strengthen India’s defence capabilities that would enable it to contribute as a net security provider in the region. It will also help counter the growing Chinese military assertiveness, which poses threat to their national security interests. However, the two sides need to bring greater focus and energy for implementing the proposals for joint development and production of defence technologies within defined timelines. This will remain a critical measure of the India-US strategic partnership and the “acid test” of US commitment to build a “strategic tech-alliance” with India. Nevertheless, India-US defence and strategic partnership continous to advance, and a robust partnership between the two countries will not only benefit the people of the two countries, but also the world at large. The US Defence Secretary’s visit to India was an effort to build such a partnership between the world’s two largest democracies.


[1] “Secretary Austin Concludes India Visit”, US Department of Defence, Washington DC, 5 June 2023, at Secretary Austin Concludes India Visit > U.S. Department of Defense > Release; and, “Raksha Mantri Shri Rajnath Singh & US Secretary of DefenceMr Lloyd Austin hold talks in New Delhi”, Press Information Bureau (PIB), Government of India, New Delhi, 5 June 2023, at Press Information Bureau ( Accessed on 6 June 2023
[2] “Secretary Raimondo Announces US-India Semiconductor Supply Chain and Innovation Partnership MOU in New Delhi”, US Department of Commerce, Washington DC, 15 March 2023 at; and, “India, US to SignMoU on Semiconductor Sector”, The New Indian Express, 9 March 2023 at Accessed on 18 March 2023
[3]SIPRI Arms Transfers Database, 2022 at; and, US Defence Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA), US Department of Defence, Washington DC at Last accessed on 11 October 2022
[4] “Fact Sheet: United States and India Elevate Strategic Partnership with the initiative on Critical and Emerging Technology (iCET)”, The White House, Washington DC, 31 January 2023 at Accessed on 7 June 2023
[5] “James M. Inhofe National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2023”, Public Law 117–263, 117th Congress, US Congress, 23 December 2022, 136 STAT. 2855-2856 at Accessed on 7 June 2023.
[6] “Transcript: Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III Media Briefing in New Delhi, India”, US Department of Defence, Washington DC, 5 June 2023 at Accessed 6 June 2023
[7] “'A Shared Vision for the Indo-Pacific': Remarks by Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III at the Shangri-La Dialogue (As Delivered)”, US Department of Defence, Washington DC, 2 June 2023 at Accessed on 6 June 2023
”, “Conflict in Taiwan Strait would be Devastating,” Warns US Defence Secy Lloyd Austin at Shangri-La Security Summit”, Asian News International (ANI),New Delhi, 3 June 2023.
[8] “‘World is Watching... It is a Big Deal,’ US India Business Body Chief Ahead of PM Modi'sVisit”, By Reena Bhardwaj, ANI, New Delhi, 1 June 2023; and, “US-India Business Council lauds New Roadmap for Defence Industrial Cooperation Between Two Countries”, ANI, New Delhi, 6 June 2023.
[9]See “Trends in International Arms Transfers, 2021”, SIPRI Fact Sheet, March 2022 at; and, “Trends in International Arms Transfers, 2022”, SIPRI Fact Sheet, March 2023 at Accessed on 5 April 2023.
[10]See note 6.
[11] “U.S.-India Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean Region”, The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, January 25, 2015 at U.S.-India Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean Region | ( Accessed on June 7, 2023
[12]See note 6; and, “‘We See Bullying, Coercion from China,’ US DefenceSecy Austin in India”, ANI, New Delhi, 5 June 2023.
[13]Remarks by Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin remarks at the fourth India-US 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue in Washington DC on 11 April 2022. See Jim Garamone, “US, India Take Steps to Increase Cooperation, Ties between 2 Largest Democracies,” DoD News, US Department of Defence, 11 April 2022.
[14] “Defence Trade and Technology Initiative: India, US Agree on 2 New ‘Pathfinder’ Projects”, The Economic Times, 14 July 2018.

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