When India executed Operation Sindoor in response to the April 22, 2025, terrorist massacre in Pahalgam, its military objectives were clear and achieved with technological precision. Utilising a combination of stand-off cruise missiles, armed drones, and coordinated aerial strikes, India incapacitated critical terrorist infrastructure inside Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, without mobilising its army or issuing nuclear threats. From a tactical perspective, Sindoor was a remarkable shift toward a calibrated cost-imposition strategy that avoided full-scale escalation.
And yet, the global media narrative told a different story. In Western outlets, and even among Indian-origin commentators abroad, the emerging perception was not of Indian strategic efficacy, but of a resilient Pakistan that had not only withstood the blow but also gained diplomatic and perceptual ground. This dissonance—between battlefield realities and international reporting—reveals the contours of a conflict far more consequential than any skirmish: the battle for narrative supremacy.
Pakistan, despite suffering heavier casualties, emerged as the protagonist in much of the international press. India, despite operational restraint and surgical precision, found itself portrayed as the aggressor—militarily impulsive, diplomatically isolated, and ideologically regressive. This commentary analyses 18 articles published in international publications and Think Tanks, between 8th and 29th May (excluding Indian and Pakistani outlets), subsequent to the launch of Operation Sindoor, and establishes that Pakistan's narrative dominance was not accidental. It was shaped by a network of sympathetic scholars, ideologically aligned journalists, and a calculated use of liberal anxieties around nationalism, Kashmir, and minority rights. The failure, however, lies not just in Pakistan’s information warfare acumen but in India’s systemic neglect of narrative-building as an extension of strategic policy.
Before we proceed to the assessment of the narratives, a brief outline of sequence of events, would be in order.
April 22: Pahalgam Terror Attack: Pakistan-backed militants attacked a village in Pahalgam, Jammu & Kashmir, killing 26 civilians after identifying their religion.
April 23–26: India Diplomatic Response
May 7: India launched Operation Sindoor with coordinated strikes across the LoC and deep into Pakistan, targeting 9 terror sites, while deliberately avoiding military facilities to keep the operation focused, restrained, and non-escalatory.
May 8-9: Pakistan launched Operation “Bunyan al-Marsus” in response to Indian strikes retaliating with Artillery barrages along the LoC and Drone strikes on Indian forward posts in Kupwara and Poonch.
May 10: Ceasefire Declared. Pakistan's Director General of Military Operations (DGMO) contacted the Indian DGMO and both sides agreed to cease all firing and military actions across land, air, and sea from 1700 hours IST. US President Trump claimed credit for brokering the ceasefire. India denied formal mediation, stating ceasefire occurred through “military channels and national decisions.”
Pakistani Claims: Pakistan’s ISPR claimed that One Indian Rafale jet was shot down by JF-17 Thunder over Jhelum sector using PL-15 air-to-air missile. Two Indian drones were also downed; wreckage allegedly shown on state TV. Visual evidence presented was later disputed by open-source intelligence analysts as inconclusive or possibly misattributed.
Indian Response to Loss Claims: Indian statements claimed that ‘all our pilots are back home safely’ and that “Combat losses are a reality in any active operation... The goals were achieved with overwhelming dominance.” India also released satellite footage showing “before and after” images of destroyed terror camps.
Of the 18 articles surveyed, ten were overtly sympathetic to Pakistan’s framing of events and only four (two by the same author) were supportive of India’s operational rationale while four could be termed as neutral or balanced (please see tabulated bias scores and article summaries below).
This pattern highlights an important point: international coverage of India-Pakistan conflicts often leans towards Pakistan, especially when the issues involve Kashmir, airstrikes, or nationalism.
A close look at the authors driving these narratives reveals that the majority are of Pakistani origin. While some may act independently, this concentration cannot be seen as entirely organic. It is plausible—if not provable—that such sustained influence may be part of a long-term information strategy orchestrated or encouraged by Pakistan’s intelligence services or military establishment, particularly the ISI.
Pakistan has been able to present itself as a victim on the global stage while avoiding blame for its support of terrorism. It does this by using language that appeals to Western liberal values—such as human rights, religious freedom, colonial history, and fears of authoritarianism.
Further compounding the issue is that several international publications that hosted these pro-Pakistan commentaries have a history of biased reporting against India. For example, The New York Times published a controversial cartoon in 2014 mocking India’s Mars mission and questioned India’s NSG membership in 2016. The BBC has frequently been criticised for its Kashmir coverage, including its portrayal of the Manipur violence as nearing civil war. CNN's framing of the Ayodhya verdict and broader narratives around 'authoritarianism' in India often lack balance. The Washington Post has repeatedly called for downgrading India’s democratic status and framed India's actions in Kashmir as incompatible with democracy. Al Jazeera routinely emphasises India’s alleged repression in Kashmir while downplaying cross-border terrorism. Even The Guardian has questioned why India's pollution is 'worse' than China's and reported simplistically on the Ayodhya verdict. These patterns point toward a systemic editorial bias that aligns easily with Pakistan’s narrative framing in the global media.
A particularly nuanced challenge for India is the role played by Indian-origin journalists and commentators who, from their international perches, reinforce the Pakistan-favouring narrative under the guise of neutral critique. One of the most telling examples is Leela Jacinto, an editor at France 24, who authored a report praising the performance of Chinese arms used by Pakistan in the Operation Sindoor.
While ostensibly technical in focus, the tone of Jacinto’s article downplayed India's precision-strike achievements and emphasised instead that Pakistan’s Chinese-supplied J-10C fighters and PL-15 missiles "passed the combat test with flying colours." The narrative, bolstered by expert quotes from Western analysts, subtly undercut India’s retribution as a technologically superior military power.
This was not Jacinto's first brush with criticism for anti-India leanings. In earlier reports during the 2019 Pulwama-Balakot episode, she questioned the veracity of Indian claims and amplified narratives about civilian casualties in Pakistan. In her writings on Kashmir, she has repeatedly echoed language around “Hindu majoritarianism” and “military occupation,” while rarely acknowledging Pakistan’s systemic use of terror as state policy. Her framing aligns consistently with postcolonial and identity-based critiques of India’s actions, particularly those linked to the Modi government, and rarely incorporates a security lens shaped by terrorism or insurgency containment.
Jacinto represents a wider trend: journalists of Indian descent who, operating from liberal newsrooms in Paris, New York, or London, deploy their insider knowledge of Indian politics to deliver critiques that appear informed but are often partial and ideologically motivated. The Western media treats these voices as more “authentic” than Indian government officials or strategic experts. This credibility, however, is often wielded in service of narratives that are deeply sceptical of the Indian state but curiously forgiving of its most belligerent adversary.
Several other authors featured in the post-Sindoor media coverage exhibit a consistent track record of writing favourably about Pakistan or critically about India.
Aqil Shah(Foreign Affairs) has long framed India as a destabilising force in South Asia. In his previous writings, he criticised the growing India-US strategic alignment and characterised Indian counter-terror strikes as reckless symbolism. His piece on Sindoor suggested India handed Pakistan a “symbolic victory,” thus implicitly absolving Pakistan of provocation and aggression.
Yousuf Nazar(Al Jazeera), a former investment banker, portrayed Sindoor as a political stunt engineered by the Modi government. His earlier writings have similarly emphasised the economic and political “weaknesses” of India, while glossing over Pakistan’s chronic terrorism sponsorship and governance dysfunction.
Umair Jamal(The Diplomat) regularly publishes articles that frame Pakistan as a misunderstood actor, strategically prudent and diplomatically savvy. In his Sindoor commentary, he claimed Pakistan came out emboldened, having “boosted national unity” and gained international sympathy. Jamal’s work has rarely if ever engaged with Pakistan’s use of non-state actors as proxies.
Imran Khalid(Newsweek), a regular commentator on Kashmir and India-Pakistan affairs, suggested that Sindoor was premeditated and designed to divert attention from domestic issues. Khalid’s tone often mirrors Pakistan’s official stance, particularly in justifying Pakistan’s counter-actions and questioning the legitimacy of India’s responses.
Beyond the geopolitical, many of these authors tapped into ideological framings that have become dominant in Western coverage of India. Andrew Latham, for example, in E-International Relations, cast Operation Sindoor as a manifestation of “Hindutva politics.” In this view, India’s military actions are less about national security and more about asserting majoritarian identity. This framing, while intellectually popular, ignores the specific tactical, legal, and operational context of Sindoor—especially its targeted strikes on terror camps and air defence systems.
Azad Essa (Middle East Eye) went even further, calling India’s actions “communal and expansionist,” and accusing the Indian military of attacking mosques and madrassas. Such incendiary language—without independent verification—positions India alongside Israel and other so-called “settler colonial states.” It delegitimises India's strategic agency and casts even its defensive actions as ideologically driven aggression.
While the international media space was largely dominated by pro-Pakistan narratives in the immediate aftermath of Operation Sindoor, a few notable exceptions stood out for their analytical clarity and factual grounding. Importantly, early coverage (from May 8 to May 14) was heavily skewed in Pakistan's favour—with 6 out of the first 7 published articles scoring a neutrality index of 1–3—framing India as the aggressor or projecting its response as a political stunt. This early imbalance played a critical role in shaping global perception, allowing Pakistan to front-load its version of the conflict while India remained on the back foot.
However, as the days progressed and India began presenting satellite imagery, open-source intelligence, and operational summaries, the nature of coverage began to shift. Pro-India articles increased from May 14 onwards, coinciding with India’s release of visual evidence and strategic briefings. It was during this second phase that analysts began scrutinising Pakistan's claims more closely, and inconsistencies in its narrative became harder to sustain.
Among the most prominent voices correcting the imbalance was John Spencer, Chair of Urban Warfare Studies at the Modern War Institute, whose articles on May 14 and May 29 offered robust endorsements of India's conduct and strategic outcomes.
In his May 14 article, Spencer called Operation Sindoor a “massive victory” that exceeded its goals by striking key terror camps and air bases while showcasing India’s doctrine of controlled, calibrated response. Spencer praised India’s use of indigenous weapons, its decision not to target Pakistani military installations, and its success in asserting deterrence without escalating to general war. He lauded India's restraint as “maturity, not weakness.”
In his follow-up May 29 analysis, Spencer sharpened his focus, arguing that Operation Sindoor demonstrated not just tactical superiority but technological independence. He contrasted India’s self-reliant arsenal—featuring the BrahMos, Akash SAMs, and Harop drones—against Pakistan’s Chinese-supplied export-grade equipment, which he said "failed under combat conditions." Spencer portrayed the conflict as a clash between a sovereign military power and a proxy military, framing India as the clear winner in both battlefield outcomes and strategic messaging. Both articles received a neutrality score of 9, the highest in the survey.
Other important voices in the neutral-to-pro-India spectrum included Brahma Chellaney (Japan Times), Arzan Tarapore (War on the Rocks), and Walter Ladwig (RUSI). Tarapore and Ladwig focused on doctrinal evolution, highlighting India's shift to cost-imposition strategies and the restrained use of standoff munitions. Chellaney critically examined the performance of Chinese weapons used by Pakistan, concluding that India had crippled major Pakistani airbases with no confirmed combat losses.
On the neutral front, experts like Christopher Clary (Stimson Center) and Joshua T. White (Brookings) offered data-driven and context-aware accounts. Clary catalogued the sequence of strikes and noted that while both sides made claims, only India provided verifiable imagery. White highlighted the intensifying role of information warfare and cautioned that expectations of immediate retaliation may pressure Indian policymakers in future crises.
Crucially, while Pakistan initially succeeded in manipulating the media narrative through exaggerated claims and coordinated disinformation, many of these assertions began to unravel once open-source satellite imagery and military assessments exposed the extent of Pakistani infrastructure damage. Indian official briefings, though delayed, provided credible counter-evidence that shifted parts of the global narrative away from Pakistan's initial propaganda victories.
In sum, while pro-India and neutral narratives were outnumbered, they gained ground in the second half of the coverage period (May 14–29) as facts became harder to deny. This shift underscores the value of timely, evidence-based strategic communication, which India failed to deploy at the outset but recovered partially through credible third-party validation.
India’s restraint in narrative building stands in stark contrast to Pakistan’s hyperactive media outreach. While Indian missiles hit their targets, Pakistan’s narrative missiles struck international opinion. Indian official briefings responded reactively, often too late and too cryptically. Key Indian military achievements—crippling Pakistani air defences, neutralising terrorist camps, demonstrating standoff strike precision—remained underreported in global outlets.
Part of this failure stems from institutional design. India has no integrated strategic communication agency capable of real-time coordination between its military, external affairs, and intelligence agencies. Nor has it cultivated a bench of international-facing Indian analysts with consistent access to global media platforms.
If India is to match its battlefield prowess with narrative success, it must undertake the following strategic reforms:
Establish a Strategic Communications Wing within the National Security Council Secretariat, linking MEA, MoD, and intelligence inputs to provide real-time, media-ready outputs.
Invest in Battlefield Media Capability, including declassified satellite footage, embedded journalists, and drone visuals to refute false claims promptly.
Create Fellowships and Global Publishing Pathways for Indian strategic thinkers and journalists in platforms like Foreign Affairs, Atlantic Council, Chatham House, etc.
Build Diaspora Media Networks to proactively engage Indian-origin scholars and commentators abroad and counter bias through informed, balanced perspectives.
Leverage Multilingual Digital Diplomacy, using X (formerly Twitter), YouTube, LinkedIn, and Instagram to amplify key messages with global reach and narrative coherence.
In the long term, India must establish a globally credible, homegrown media platform that can rival established Western outlets in both reach and respectability. This platform should operate in English and other global languages, publishing high-quality reportage, commentary, and investigative journalism on South Asia and global affairs. Crucially, it must develop editorial independence and professional standards that allow it to gain credibility across ideological lines.
Examples of this model already exist in other contexts. Al Jazeera, funded by the Qatari state, has positioned itself as a major international voice on Middle Eastern issues and is widely cited in Western discourse. Similarly, Russia Today (RT) and China Global Television Network (CGTN)—despite being state-funded—have built sophisticated global operations with varying degrees of influence. Turkey's TRT World is another example of a soft power project aimed at shaping global narratives through international media.
India currently lacks such a large-scale, international-facing media voice that can set the agenda, rather than merely respond to it. Existing outlets like WION have made commendable starts but remain relatively limited in global reach and influence. A strategically funded, editorially robust, and professionally staffed media institution—rooted in Indian perspectives but fluent in global discourse—is essential if India hopes to match narrative power with geopolitical weight in the coming decades.
Operation Sindoor was a tactical and operational success for India, but initially, it appeared to be a strategic communications setback. In the first week following the strikes, Pakistan effectively captured the global narrative, positioning itself as a resilient actor and a victim of Indian aggression. This narrative dominance was enabled by a sympathetic ecosystem of diaspora commentators, ideologically aligned journalists, and Western editorial biases—particularly around Kashmir, nationalism, and civil liberties in India.
However, this advantage proved temporal, not structural. As India began to release satellite imagery, combat footage, and technical briefings, and as independent open-source intelligence validated Indian claims about destroyed terror infrastructure and minimal collateral damage, the credibility of Pakistan’s exaggerated assertions began to erode. By mid-to-late May, pro-India narratives—particularly those authored by analysts like John Spencer, Brahma Chellaney, and Arzan Tarapore—gained traction. These voices reframed Sindoor as a calibrated and restrained military response that showcased India’s evolving doctrine and indigenous capabilities.
Thus, while Pakistan had the early advantage in the media war, India's narrative recovered ground as verifiable evidence emerged and the fog of disinformation lifted. The trajectory of coverage underscores a vital lesson: timing matters in narrative-building—but so does truth, especially when reinforced by credible visuals and analytical clarity.
To correct the asymmetry in future conflicts, India must accept that narrative is not a postscript to strategy—it is its parallel theatre. Strategic outcomes on the battlefield must be matched by precision messaging in the information domain. The next time India strikes, the world should not just see the truth—it should believe it from New Delhi, not interpret it through Doha, London, or Washington.
Aryan Pandey, currently interning at the Vivekananda International Foundation, assisted the author in compilation, tabulation and summarisation of the articles.
Objective: The purpose of this exercise is to evaluate the narrative which has emerged after April 22 Pahalgam attack and subsequent Indian strikes on Pakistan’s terrorist targets.
Neutrality Rating Scale (1-9):
Note: Ratings are subjective and have been determined after analysing each article individually.
No. | Article | Date | Publication | Stance | Author | Neutrality Rating |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | India’s strike on Pakistan isn’t about terrorism: Kashmir (Opinion) | 08/05/2025 | Newsweek | Pro Pakistan | Imran Khalid – Columnist on TR (Pakistani) | 1 |
2 | Opinion: Kashmir Is the Fuse, but Hindutva Is the Fire | 08/05/2025 | E-International Relations | Pro Pakistan | Andrew Latham - Institute for Peace and Diplomacy | 3 |
3 | Does India still have an airpower advantage over Pakistan? | 08/05/2025 | The Spectator | Pro Pakistan | Fabian Hoffmann - Research fellow at the Oslo Nuclear Project at Oslo University. | 3 |
4 | India attacks Pakistan declaration Israel-style expansionism | 09/05/2025 | Middle East Eye | Pro Pakistan | Azad Essa – Journalist, Middle East Eye | 1 |
5 | India tried to project strength but ended up showing weakness | India-Pakistan Tensions | Al Jazeera | 11/05/2025 | Al Jazeera | Pro Pakistan | Yousuf Nazar - former head of Citigroup’s emerging markets investments (Pakistani) | 2 |
6 | Pakistan comes out emboldened after clashes with India | 13/05/2025 | The Diplomat | Pro Pakistan | Umair Jamal - Correspondent for The Diplomat (Pakistani) | 1 |
7 | Lessons for the next India-Pakistan war | 14/05/2025 | Centre for Asia Policy Studies | Neutral | Joshua T. White - Foreign Policy,Center for Asia Policy Studies | 5 |
8 | Operation Sindoor: A Decisive Victory in Modern Warfare | 14/05/2025 | X (@SpencerGuard) | Pro India | John Spencer (Chair of Urban Warfare Studies at Modern War Institute) | 9 |
9 | Chinese weapons pass combat test in India-Pakistan clash – with flying colours | 14/05/2025 | France 24 | Pro Pakistan | Leela Jacinto – Editor, France24 | 3 |
10 | Operation Sindoor and the Evolution of India’s Military Strategy Against Pakistan - War on the Rocks | 19/05/2025 | War on the Rocks | Pro India | Arzan Tarapore - Research scholar at the Center for International Security and Cooperation | 8 |
11 | Calibrated Force: Operation Sindoor and the Future of Indian Deterrence | Royal United Services Institute | 21/05/2025 | Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) | Pro India | Dr. Walter Ladwig - Lecturer in International Relations, War Studies at KCL | 8 |
12 | Flawless Kill Chain: Pakistan’s Networked Strike Took Down Indian Fighter, Says U.S. Analyst - Defence Security Asia | 22/05/2025 | Defence Security Asia | Pro Pakistan | Defence Security Asia – based on interview of Michael Dahm in Air & Space Forces Magazine | 2 |
13 | The Next War Between India and Pakistan | Foreign Affairs | 23/05/2025 | Foreign Affairs | Pro Pakistan | Aqil Shah - Professor of South Asian Politics, Oklahama Universirty (Pakistani) | 3 |
14 | Lessons from India-Pakistan war: Were China’s arms overrated? | 27/05/2025 | The Japan Times | Pro India | Brahma Chellaney - Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi (Indian) | 9 |
15 | Four Days in May: The India-Pakistan Crisis of 2025 • Stimson Center | 28/05/2025 | Stimson Center | Neutral | Christopher Clary - Professor of political science at the University at Albany | 5 |
16 | Squabbling Siblings: India, Pakistan And Operation Sindoor – OpEd – Eurasia Review | 28/05/2025 | Eurasia Review | Pro Pakistan | Binoy Kampmark - Ex-Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge | 2 |
17 | Beyond The Haze Of War: Unpacking The Indo-Pak Air Superiority Claims – OpEd – Eurasia Review | 28/05/2025 | Eurasia Review | Pro Pakistan | Altaf Moti – Pakistani Scholar | 1 |
18 | India’s Operation Sindoor: A Battlefield Verdict on Chinese Weapons—And India’s Victory | 29/05/2025 | X (@SpencerGuard) | Pro India | John Spencer (Chair of Urban Warfare Studies at Modern War Institute) | 9 |
Overall, he presents Sindoor as a model of limited, modern warfare: India absorbed an attack, retaliated with precision using indigenous technology, and halted on its own terms. The campaign, he concludes, redefined India’s strategic posture—terror from Pakistan now invites calibrated military retaliation. Under the shadow of nuclear risks, Spencer sees the operation as both a “strategic success” and a “decisive Indian victory.”
(The paper is the author’s individual scholastic articulation. The author certifies that the article/paper is original in content, unpublished and it has not been submitted for publication/web upload elsewhere, and that the facts and figures quoted are duly referenced, as needed, and are believed to be correct). (The paper does not necessarily represent the organisational stance... More >>
Excellent analysis . Very relevant .
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